Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality

 

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 2 The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality
Erika Esau
Faced with the dilemma of finding an appropriately focused topic about
German women artists of the Weimar period, I began my research quite
basically, by trying to uncover the women artists who were active and who
until quite recently have been so forgotten. In tracking down those that I
could, I was constantly surprised to find that so many of the practising
women artists were married to artists; of the 40 or so that appeared during
my researches at the Archiv fiir bildende Kunst, Germanisches Nationalmu-
seum, Nuremberg, more than 20 were married to artists. I If one takes into
account that several of these artists - most notably Renee Sintenis and Anita
Ree - were lesbians, this statistic is even more astonishing. The number of
artist-couples that surfaced was so overwhelming that it seemed to be
determined by more than serendipity or coincidence, that it indicated some
societal attitude, some ideological commitment, that transcended purely
personal motivations. This preliminary examination, then, is an attempt to
explore the phenomenon of the Kiinstlerehepaar - a term actually used in
1920s Germany - and to establish some of the significant. factors
determining these complex relationships, particularly as they influenced the
art that was produced and the social reception of 'artist' in Weimar
Germany?
Numerous examples could be selected, often revealing striking similarities
in terms of societal expectations and biographical inevitability based on
gender. Specific focus on two of these artist-couples, however, will serve to
elucidate some of the more intriguing issues, while presenting as well some
important contrasts in circumstances which further distinguish between myth
and reality. The Berlin artists Oskar Moll and Marg Moll and the Cologne
painters Anton Raderscheidt and Marta Hegemann occupied different
societal niches in terms of artistic status, but they nonetheless shared a
number of cultural assumptions that provide room for compelling compari-
son. Both couples considered themselves 'modem', aligned to the idea of
the avant-garde, albeit expressed in contrasting aesthetic forms. 

Both
28
relationships exhibited a ":.
couple, participating ~
their artistic productioa als
the examination of 1.4::"t::
construct of the 'artist" ill
couples' own vision of ilicir
artistic creativity. Their ci:
social and sexual sin:r.:mo
substanti ve change from pas
that was not realized !d -:::
entire question of gender ;e
participation in the puZlic
works of the artists t:lJe....-~
larger social issues em be
imagery with the man' s,
The idea of the artisr-c
creative endeavours had irs
states, 'Romantics exto'::;:orl
once physical and ~
intimate community of
speaking to soul" . \Hoooc
ostensibly egalitarian ri.:::
luminaries as Friedrich - ~
secondary position for ~ -
man's intellectual work
(Berger 1982 pp.33--, -- .">5
independent of women .:d
concept of marriage: '\\z._
than a formally Iegirinnzes
meaning which Romamc
devotion to the other ~
same time respect for' .-
Such idealistic nori
realities of life between ~
rarely addressed with ~ _
of the artist-couple beeaae
an entrenched construct
By the early twentieta ~
their participation ir;
legally, a substantial pID"~
Political changes in the ~
seeming transformation -
German universities and
such as the Bund 5.....
Motherhood), under HeIe;;
The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 29
.paar: Ideal
relationships exhibited a quite conscious projection of the idea of the artist-
couple, participating equally in a public artistic life. Their relationships and
their artistic production also offer exemplary and representative models for
the examination of larger issues concerning gender, marriage and the
construct of the 'artist' in this period and place. Of major concern are the
couples' own vision of their roles and participation in marriage as well as in
artistic creativity. Their circumstances raise the question of whether the
social and sexual situation in Germany of the 1920s represented a
substantive change from past patterns or was simply an intellectual argument
that was not realized in actual life. Central to these considerations is the
entire question of gender relations, and how these issues affected women's
participation in the public life of the artist. Finally, one must consider the
works of the artists themselves, to determine if anything pertaining to these
larger social issues can be revealed through a comparison of the woman's
imagery with the man's.
The idea of the artist-couple as a union of like-minded souls sharing
creative endeavours had its roots in German Romanticism. As Hugh Honour
states, 'Romantics extolled the perfect union of bodies and souls in a love at
once physical and spiritual', and, in terms of their art, sought 'a more
intimate community of understanding between artist and sitter ... of "soul
speaking to soul" , (Honour 1979 p.251). For women of the time, such an
ostensibly egalitarian attitude, although intellectually nurtured by such
luminaries as Friedrich Schlegel and Goethe, still assumed in reality a
secondary position for the female partner as helpmate or muse in which the
man's intellectual work was given priority, especially in the public realm
(Berger 1982 pp.33-57). As Ute Frevert points out, moreover, even the most
independent of women in the early nineteenth century were still tied to the
concept of marriage: 'What they had in mind was less a marriage "as such"
than a formally legitimized relationship based on love, with all the particular
meaning which Romantic writers bestowed on that word: passionate
devotion to the other person, fusion into a homogeneous whole and at the
same time respect for both identities' (Frevert 1989 p.57).
Such idealistic notions, however, had little to do with the practical
realities of life between the sexes, and actual inequalities within society were
rarely addressed with any commitment to change. Nevertheless, the notion
of the artist-couple became in the nineteenth century an identifiable ideal and
an entrenched construct within German cultural life.
By the early twentieth century, women had made some significant gains in
their participation in cultural and public life, and had achieved, at least
legally, a substantial progression in terms of their perceived role in society.
Political changes in the first years of the century mirrored and nurtured a
seeming transformation in social attitudes. In 1908, women were admitted to
German universities and political parties. At the same time, organizations
such as the Bund fUr Mutterschutz (Federation for the Protection of
Motherhood), under Helene Stocker, began efforts to obtain equal status for
jx;J~:m!ly focused topic about
.. I began my research quite
o were active and who
In tracking down those that I
- SO many of the practising
or so that appeared during
Germanisches Nationalmu-
""'"':... artists.' If one takes into
-:: Renee Sintenis and Anita
_ astonishing. The number of
~'ng that it seemed to be
~ce, that it indicated some
that transcended purely
~ then, is an attempt to
pzar - a term actually used in
r: of the significant factors
as they influenced the
of 'artist' in Weimar
realing striking similarities
~~ inevitability based on
-r 'e-. however, will serve to
presenting as well some
-.1:.erdistinguish between myth
- Marg :'.1:011 and the Cologne
H~ occupied different
mey nonetheless shared a
~room for compelling compari-
~', aligned to the idea of
~g aesthetic forms. Both
30 Visions of the 'Neue Frau'
husband and wife in marriage (Evans 1976 pp.115-43; Hackett 1984). The
Bund also worked for the repeal of rules requiring dismissal of women
professionals when married or pregnant, and it struggled for access to sex
education and the ready availability of contraception. By the end of the First
World War, Germany was considered the most advanced country in terms of
the promotion of sexual equality, and most intriguingly, of a woman's right
to sexual pleasure (Koonz 1978 p.36; Usborne 1992). Germany became the
locus for concepts of the 'rationalization' of sexual relations, establishing an
enormous sex reform movement, both middle-class and proletarian (Usborne
1992 pp.123-6).
While the earliest efforts for sex education and access to contraception
were initiated by feminists such as Helene Stocker with the establishment of
sex clinics run by lay persons, the immense popularity of these groups was
soon recognized by the medical establishment. Soon the sex-reform
movement was run by male doctors and scientists, promulgating sexual
equality and harmony as a means of stabilizing the family, and nurturing an
essentially conservative social structure.' Through a proliferation of sex
manuals, journals and popularized information from qualified experts,
women were exhorted to create a harmonious and egalitarian sex life within
marriage, just as they were encouraged to apply 'scientific' methods of
economic management to the running of their household and modem
educational principles to the raising of their children. While ostensibly
proclaiming new 'liberation' for women, these recommendations still placed
women firmly within the traditional structures of domesticity and family
(Frevert 1989 p.192 and Grossmann 1984a).
These popularized tenets of emancipation led to the rise of the so-called
neue Frau, who, at least in the popular imagination, eschewed the repressive
moral values of the past to lead a social life on equal terms with men. In the
area of marital relations, the epitome of these enlightened attitudes was the
concept of Kameradschaftsehe, or companionate marriage, popularized in
such books as Theodor H. van de Velde's Vollkommene Ehe (The Ideal
Marriage), published in Germany in 1928;4 and Judge Ben B. Lindsey's
Companionate Marriage, published in the United States in 1927 and
translated into German as Kameradschaftsehe in 1928 (Lindsey and Evans
1972).
The philosophy - and the factual information - promoted in these books
offers fascinating insight into the direction these egalitarian marriages were
supposed to take. Vande Velde was a Dutch gynaecologist who wrote more
than 80 books on sexuality. He completed Vollkommene Ehe when he was
53. The book served as the most popular 'how-to' guide, and was immensely
influential throughout Europe and America. The German edition went
through 42 printings in eight years, until suppressed by Hitler in 1933. As
Edward Brecher entitles his section on Van de Velde in The Sex
Researchers, 'He Taught a Generation How to Copulate', Ideal Marriage
became the proto~ ~f
revised American edition
Despite its supposedly
moderate stance on
primarily on the idea of
graphic scientific .
pleasure was meant to
ships. Vollkommene Ehe
being a good lover; an
desirable maintenance of
Gordon 1987 pp.77ff).
Ben Lindsey was a
increase in divorces.
workable, and therefore
expert on the causes of
book The Revolt of J!~
observations about the
based on his everyday
was in this book. in
the idea of 'trial
yet prepared financially f ~
extended his scope to .
divorce, and the means m
then, was meant to be 3
ing the need for 3IDl3 e
and aiming at keeping
and addressing a popular
magazines and Sunday
ally, abroad. Today Judge
guest on afternoon talk
niche.t
Both Dr Van de Velde
revision was the "rl•......"......."""
sexual fulfilment in
encouragement of uc
marriage as decidedly
That Van de Velde
internationally indicates
enough to avoid any mai
The Kunstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 31
A:5-43; Hackett 1984). The
recemng dismissal of women
. n snuggled for access to sex
t.-M~)(· I!!~ By the end of the First
ad-: :.meed country in terms of
c:=iguingly. of a woman's right
1992 . Germany became the
sexual relations, establishing an
-ciass and proletarian (Usborne
became the prototype of the marriage manual; indeed, as late as 1965, a
revised American edition appeared (Brecher 1969 pp.82-103).
Despite its supposedly 'common-sense' approach and his relatively
moderate stance on premarital sex, Van de Velde's book was based
primarily on the idea of mutual enjoyment of sex within marriage; his
graphic scientific information about sexual response and the giving of sexual
pleasure was meant to encourage and sustain monogamous marital relation-
ships. Vollkommene Ehe stressed the idea that being a good wife included
being a good lover; an equal and active sex life was seen as central to the
desirable maintenance of the marital state (Lawrence 1988 pp.l24-5;
Gordon 1987 pp.77ff).
Ben Lindsey was a judge in Denver, Colorado, who, lamenting the
increase in divorces, espoused a kind of marriage that would be more
workable, and therefore more sustainable, in modem times. As a well-known
expert on the causes of juvenile crime, he had gained his initial fame for his
book The Revolt of Modern Youth, in which he presented his rather liberal
observations about the causes of anti-social behaviour among the young,
based on his everyday experience as a judge (Lindsey and Evans 1925). It
was in this book, in fact, that Lindsey first expressed sympathy for
the idea of 'trial marriages' for those ready for sexual experience but not
yet prepared financially for marriage. In Companionate Marriage, he simply
extended his scope to include his considered opinions on the causes of
divorce, and the means to prevent such a societal breakdown. His approach,
then, was meant to be a rational one, based on common sense, concern-
ing the need for amiable partnerships and compatible sexual relations,
and aiming at keeping marriages together. Filled with anecdotal details
and addressing a popular audience, Lindsey's book was discussed in movie
magazines and Sunday newspapers throughout the country, and, eventu-
ally, abroad. Today Judge Lindsey would certainly have been a regular
guest on afternoon talk shows; his books filled the same sensationalist
niche.'
Both Dr Van de Velde and Judge Lindsey, then, were committed to
maintaining conventional relationships through redefinition. This new ethic
simply 'redefined marriage in more egalitarian terms, consistent with the
new freedoms that post-suffrage women seemed to possess ... A successful
relationship rested on the emotional compatibility of husband and wife,
rather than the fulfilment of gender-prescribed duties and roles' (D'Emilio
and Freedman 1988 pp.265-6). On a popular level, however, the important
revision was the acknowledgement of women's sexuality and her right to
sexual fulfilment in marriage outside of the need for procreation. The
encouragement of such attitudes marked the concept of companionate
marriage as decidedly and self-consciously modern.
That Van de Velde and Lindsey reached such a broad audience
internationally indicates that their views were moderate and acceptable
enough to avoid any major clashes with mainstream attitudes. Indeed, as
and access to contraception
der with the establishment of
arity of these groups was
~:me71L Soon the sex-reform
-enlblS. promulgating sexual
.: me family, and nurturing an
Tc gb a proliferation of sex
from qualified experts,
::nd egalitarian sex life within
-:-r~ 'scientific' methods of
- If'.,ei.r hou ehold and modem
- children, While ostensibly
.. recommendations still placed
~- of domesticity and family
e (0 the rise of the so-called
~on. eschewed the repressive
[00 equal terms with men. In the
F enlightened attitudes was the
~""-'1-r .. marriage, popularized in
Ilkommene Ehe (The Ideal
ttrl Judge Ben B. Lindsey's
'{;~ted States in 1927 and
in :928 (Lindsey and Evans
. - promoted in these books
ese egalitarian marriages were
~ ~~oLogist who wrote more
rtmene Ehe when he was
. guide, and was immensely
The German edition went
....ssed by Hitler in 1933. As
c Van de Velde in The Sex
EO Copulate', Ideal Marriage
-....
32 Visions of the 'Neue Frau'
Wilhelm Reich perceptively points out in his famous Die Sexualitat im
Kulturkampf (The Sexual Revolution), Van de Velde and Lindsey were still
tied to the institution of marriage itself, as necessary for the continuation of,
as Reich termed it, capitalism's 'sex-economy' which allowed them to
remain attached to moral and ethical judgements concerning sexual relations
deemed 'abnormal' or outside the legalized state of matrimony:
Contradictions in the institution of marriage are logically reflected in the
contradictions in marital reform. The reform of marriage by eroticisation (a la
Van de Velde) is inherently contradictory, while Lindsey's proposal of 'com-
panionate marriage' suffers not from the fact that he has confirmed the decline of
marriage as such and examined its causes but from his desire to patch up a
crumbling institution with the idea that 'marriage is the best sexual reform'
(Reich 1974 p.1S1).
Despite such radical denunciations as Reich's on the one hand, and the
predictable lamentations by conservative factions about a decline in
traditional values on the other - the German Catholic Church especially
blamed women's emancipation for the renunciation of the husband's 'God-
given' rights as familial patriarch - marriages continued to occur in Weimar
Germany (Usbome 1992 pp.96-101). Indeed, they increased relatively, and
the popularized notions of egalitarian couples represented by Lindsey and
others were eagerly embraced, especially by the intellectuals and profession-
als with liberal leanings who espoused the Fortschrittsoptimismus (faith in
progress) that permeated so much of the German approach to social issues+
That so many publications dealing with sexuality and gendered relationships
gained such enormous popularity in this period is evidence of a public
audience eager to accept and acknowledge a transformation in social
expectations concerning male and female roles, and to enjoy participation in
'modem' life.
In terms of artistic life, by the 1920s in Germany, young women had
gained access to established art schools where they met fellow artists, both
male and female, with whom they established artistic as well as political and
sexual solidarity. As self-consciously 'modern', they, like other young
women, enthusiastically believed in the espoused principles of the Weimar
Constitution, and saw themselves as participants in this newly enlightened
community. Combining artistic endeavour and life commitment in marriage,
then, became a romantic as well as political ideal.
Such a committed union was quite obvious and self-conscious in the case
of the most politically determined artists, such as Oskar Nerlinger and Alice
Lex-Nerlinger.? Their art was meant to serve the cause of the proletariat by
emphasizing depictions of working-class oppression, grounded stylistically
in figurative realism and images of revolution. They were most likely to
work in media such as woodcut, which were reproducible and therefore, at
least theoretically, accessible to the masses. Among such artist-couples,
stylistic similarity was often the most pronounced, since it was informed by
a conscious commitment
competitive manifestanon
modem in terms of their
could be used as a tool,
In actual life, howes er,
most involved with mill-
were maintained. An intng
most radical artistic - ~
appears in the memoirs or
Kelner Progressiven:
The women from om ci:-
nurture that cosiness ;h:n
all liked to eat well . _ .:-
remember a few. Tbey
had to marry away the ~
Matisse's art in Paris in I
The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 33
are :ogically reflected in the
ca..~ae by eroticisation (a la
!inmey's proposal of 'com-
be im confirmed the decline of
from his desire to patch up a
:: 15 tbe best sexual reform'
a conscious commitment to politically motivated expression rather than a
competitive manifestation of individual genius. They considered themselves
modem in terms of their desire for radical social change, to which end art
could be used as a tool.
In actual life, however, one finds that even in the relationships of those
most involved with militant political causes, traditional role distinctions
were maintained. An intriguing revelation concerning women's status in the
most radical artistic circles, at least in the memory of one participant,
appears in the memoirs of Hans Schmitt-Rost about the artists' group, Die
Kolner Progressiven:
The women from our circle often played host, cook and caretaker and helped to
nurture that cosiness that encouraged good conversation. Because of course we
all liked to eat well ... From the great number of wives and girl-friends I can
remember a few. They belonged to the group, they completed it.8
famous Die Sexualitiit im
and Lindsey were still
.....,~:II"n.. for the continuation of,
~_. which allowed them to
•S OIl the one hand, and the
about a decline in
Catholic Church especially
J==I:z.ac- In of the husband's 'God-
oominued to occur in Weimar
- ::r.e~ increased relatively, and
es represented by Lindsey and
~ intellectuals and profession-
ssdirinsoptimismus (faith in
approach to social issues,"
_ and gendered relationships
reno;;! 15 evidence of a public
-= 2 transformation in social
_ End to enjoy participation in
self -conscious in the case
Oskar Nerlinger and Alice
re the cause of the proletariat by
~ ion. grounded stylistically
Tbey were most likely to
~ reproducible and therefore, at
Among such artist-couples,
ced, since it was informed by
While committed politically and ideologically to the idea of equality, in
reality Schmitt-Rost expressed traditional bourgeois expectations and
assumptions about women's roles - attitudes which doubtless affected the
ultimate recognition of these women as independent artists.
The concerns of Oskar and Marg Moll could not have been further from
those of the proletarian artists, although they envisioned their modernist
aesthetic cause as equally radical, if not directed toward political social
change. As a couple, they exemplify a marital model more common among
the generation coming of age before the Weimar era: Oskar had been Marg's
older teacher; they met when she studied at Lovis Corinth's school, and
married in 1906.9 As Marg wrote in her memoirs, 'he jokingly stated that he
had to marry away the competition' .10 After a revelatory confrontation with
Matisse's art in Paris in 1907, the couple became committed advocates of
French modernism. They were instrumental, along with fellow German Hans
Purrmann, in establishing the Matisse School in Paris, where they stayed to
study; Marg was the only sculptor in the group. They became close friends
of Matisse, who painted a famous portrait of Marg. Even more significantly,
they became important early collectors of Matisse's work. This fact was
particularly important when they returned to Germany, where they were
eager to promulgate this vision of avant-garde aestheticism in a country that
had been slow, mainly through lack of exposure, to acknowledge modem
art,
Oskar Moll eventually became the Director of the Breslau Art Academy,
"'\here Marg, while still working as the only sculptor of the Matisse group,
'35 active not only as an artist, but in her role as 'director's wife';" The
couple were quite conscious of their mission as an artistic team, nurturing a
particular aesthetic image in their public, as well as in their private lives; as
Thwaites quite correctly mentions, they lived within 'the aristocracy of
European art'. The German art historian Ernst Scheyer wrote on the
asion of Marg Moll's 75th birthday:
34 \.1sions of the 'Neue Frau'
As a young art historian returned home from Cologne to Breslau in 1925, it was
the couple Oskar and Marg Moll who opened for him the world of great modem
French art. Matisse, Leger, Braque and Picasso; they graced the walls of the
beautiful patrician apartment on Schlosspark. That was intimate, direct contact,
different than anything he knew from books ... Visits to the Moll house were
revelations, signified a cornerstone in art education! 12
Their apartment was famous for its collection and furniture - by art nouveau
designer August Endell - as well as for its famous guests. Even in 'inner
exile' in Berlin after Hitler's rise to power, the Molls were able to build an
ultra-modern house designed by Hans Scharoun; here they continued to
entertain like-minded artist friends, even during the Second World War (the
house was bombed in 1943).
Despite this ostensible solidarity and shared commitment, it is more than
coincidentally significant that after her marriage, Marg stopped painting - at
least painting for public consumption - and concentrated on sculpture, 'in
order', as one later biographer states quite baldly, 'to avoid competition with
him,.13 While Marg Moll was later praised for her ability to remain an
independent artist while married to one, she felt compelled to change her
medium in order to maintain that independence. Her work was decidedly
abstract, greatly influenced by Brancusi, and she worked in a variety of
materials. That she was able in 1928 to take an 'Eheferien' - a vacation from
marriage - and go to Paris alone for an extended period of time, points
further to the fact that Oskar Moll's status as a successful professional
allowed the financial security which could insure such freedom. An equal
artistic partnership, it seems, was most likely to be sustained and nurtured
when financial burdens were eliminated and the couple were able to
maintain publicly acknowledged social status with success. Such privilege
also evidently eased the problems which most women encountered when
trying to continue an artistic life after having children. While this
responsibility is a constant theme in many of the writings of women artists
of the period," Marg Moll makes no mention of this hindrance in any of her
reminiscences, although the couple did indeed have children."
When Oskar died in 1947, Marg continued to be active in GEDOK - the
Gemeinschaft deutscher und osterreichischer Kiinstlerinnen, an organization
founded in 1926 by the widow of the poet Richard Dehmel to aid women
artists and to provide venues to exhibit their work. She participated in some
gallery shows, in most cases in joint exhibitions with Oskar. While Marg
was acknowledged in most of the early literature concerning Matisse's
circle, she was usually discussed in terms of the couple's participation in the
school and for their contribution to the reception of modernism in Germany.
It has only been in recent years that any substantial reference to Marg's
artworks has surfaced." Her public persona in conjunction with her partner
gained the most attention.
The Molls' artistic commitment was to cerebral, analytically motivated
modernism, that art associated with the concept of 'art for art's sake', and
concepts of 'classical
Detlev Peukert (199!
reveal anything of their
their personal life or
relationship through :ne
objects of high modem
reading.
In contrast to the
woman of the time.
efforts of the L~ -
c~ (0 Breslau in 1925, it was
fm him the world of great modem
• mey graced the walls of the
Ih:ll was intimate, direct contact,
Visns to the Moll house were
i;:a:iool ~
~ commitment, it is more than
.>_ Marg stopped painting - at
roncentrated on sculpture, 'in
_ • Oro avoid competition with
(or her ability to remain an
felr compelled to change her
. Her work was decidedly
soe worked in a variety of
a::l 'Eheferien' - a vacation from
11exi:eIl(1edperiod of time, points
as :1 successful professional
re such freedom. An equal
be sustained and nurtured
...., me couple were able to
wiIh success. Such privilege
'1 men encountered when
ba ing children. While this
me writings of women artists
0: rhis hindrance in any of her
ba "e children.'!
be active in GEDOK - the
- stlerinnen, an organization
.Ri.;:h:!rd Dehmel to aid women
- She participated in some
- with Oskar. While Marg
amre concerning Matisse's
ti:.e eoeple' s participation in the
of modernism in Germany.
- stantial reference to Marg's
1iL conjunction with her partner
cerebral. analytically motivated
of "art for art's sake', and
The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 35
concepts of 'classical modernity' that in a larger sphere are defined by
Detlev Peukert (1991 pp.275-82). Their artworks, then, were not meant to
reveal anything of their biographies, with no conscious revelations about
their personal life or everyday existence. One can reconstruct aspects of their
relationship through the textual facts of their marriage, but their works, as
objects of high modern art, yield little that could contribute to any personal
reading.
In contrast to the Molls' modernist aesthetic imagery, which maintains a
distinction between public and personal spheres, one confronts in the works
of Anton Raderscheidt and Marta Hegemann a conscious merging of these
realms in their artistic production. The couple also serves as one of the most
striking and telling examples of the discrepancy between the ideal and
reality of these new, seemingly equal artist-partnerships .
In his renowned series of photographs for his book Menschen des 20.
Iahrhunderts, the Cologne photographer August Sander devotes an entire
section to portraits of several Kiinstlerehepaare, including Raderscheidt and
Hegemann.'? Very clearly, their poses mirror the aesthetic leitmotifs of their
art work. Raderscheidt appears as the 'man with the stiff hat' , a very specific
form of Neue Sachlichkeit that characterizes all of his paintings. A single
portrait of Hegemann is equally telling: one half of her face is painted with
fantastically whimsical forms, evoking the imagery of the Magic Realism
that she favoured in her own work.
Such conscious constructions of image identify the couple as exemplars of
modernity in their culture and place. Indeed, Marta Hegemann has been
described as the epitome of the neue Frau: 'She cut off the braids, wore a
tomboyish "Bubikopf', she smoked, wore make-up, practised sports, went to
the movies in the evening - in other words she epitomized the widespread
cliche of the emancipated woman of the 20s' (Gerster 1990 p.40; Usborne
:992 pp.85-90). Indeed, most photographs of Hegemann show her either in
costumed groups at Fasching balls or in the act of painting, and almost
always with a cigarette in hand. She was such a regular client of the artists'
aangout, the Cafe Monopol, that the orchestra there would play her favourite
mne. 'La Paloma', whenever she arrived (Marta Hegemann 1989 p.44,
:L..n).
All of these examples of participation in contemporary life and urban
pleasures mark Hegemann as the most modem of married women. While in
private circles, she apparently retained her maiden name, in many contem-
porary sources - including the printed brochure of their own group's
exhibition - she is referred to as Marta Raderscheidt, which, as a married
"oman of the time, would have been her only legally accepted name. IS The
efforts of the Lucy Stone Society, which in the United States struggled for
the right of married women to maintain their maiden name, were no doubt
known to the modern German woman, but the law still required married
women to take on their husband's name.
36 Visions of the 'Neue Frau'
Hegemann and Raderscheidt met at the Kunstgewerbeschule in Cologne,
where they studied from 1911 to 1913. This school was one of the most
progressive art schools in the country, and had admitted women from the
early 1900s, and even employed several women as teachers.'? They were
married in 1918, and had two sons (the ideal number under the recommenda-
tions of those promoting the rationalization of sexuality and family life)
(Usborne 1992 pp.I4-15). In 1919 they formed 'Gruppe Stupid' along with
Heinrich Hoerle, Angelika Fick-Hoerle, Richard Seiwert, and Max Ernst.
The group maintained a standing exhibition in the Raderscheidt-Hegemann
apartment. While an exhibition at home may have been determined to a large
extent by financial exigencies, this activity raises important considerations:
that their living space became quite consciously the stage for the presenta-
tion of their public identity provides an intriguing example of the conscious
integration of private and aesthetic life as an intentional attempt to break
down the traditionally defined distinctions between intimate and public
spheres (Habermas 1974). The important fact, and the one that distinguishes
their presentation from that of the Molls, is that they consciously labelled the
display as an 'exhibition', connoting public function rather than simply the
decoration of private space.P The couple were involved with concepts of
Dada, and later, through Ernst's work in Paris, with Surrealism. Both
Raderscheidt and Hegemann manifested a fascination with Freudian theory,
with concepts of the unconscious, and symbolism. They were involved with
the most advanced artistic movements in Cologne of the time, although they
eventually shunned those artists associated with the more politically radical
elements such as the Kainer Progressiven and were most closely aligned
with the activities of the Magic Realists such as Heinrich Campendonk and
Heinrich Davringhausen.
From the beginning, then, they expressed a sense of combined purpose, a
shared aesthetic which also determined their lifestyle, and the image they
presented to the world. Aside from the fact that they exhibited their works
and that of their friends in their living room, the apartment itself mirrored
their artwork. Its decor was described by one contemporary as 'exactly the
kind of New Objectivity practised by Raderscheidt in his painting' :21 little
furniture, bare lightbulbs, no ornamentation, windows covered with opaque
coloured paper. Within this sphere, Marta also painted a mural in the
children's bedroom, one that was highly praised by contemporary critics as
an example of a practical adaptation of artistic skill.22 They had a conscious
awareness of 'image', of projecting one's aesthetic commitment in one's
lifestyle; their aesthetic was integral to their entire WeLtanschauung, just as
it was for the Molls. Unlike the Molls, however, their iconography was
intentionally self-referential. Not surprisingly, then, a comparison of
Raderscheidt's and Hegemann's creative production provides obvious
insights into the nature not only of their aesthetic life but of their intimate
relationship.
Raderscheidt characterize
readily identifiable images 1
manifested most commonly
describes the themes of his ...
portrayed as hardened withit
Something of the eternal b
p.ll). The term 'einsame I
iconographic obsession 1'Hel
Raderscheidt's figurative
notions of sexuality. reee
intentions. In most of his in
portray Marta Hegemann. a
many depictions of her in
certified sport teacher. 3D
fundamental aspect of the "_
athletes comprise a ID3jo£
embracing of popular cui
contemporaneity and mbal
pp.102-3).
What is most striking in
his characteristic emphasis
between the pair, while
eroticized. She is presented
he appears as voyeur. fully
of eroticism and health, 'Qo-~ .
the shadows. While
he chooses for her, she 15 l
gaze (Gerster 1990 pp.31-
considered these images
hundertprozentige Frau' -
Man is a loner. His ego 'IS
and the world! Evervti
impossible for a _ E
opinion of another is fol!!x
love with another m;m_
(quoted in Richter 1911
.....enure Weltanschauung, just as
ver, their iconography was
.:. ~, then, a comparison of
crodnction provides obvious
ric life but of their intimate
The Kunstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 37
Raderscheidt characterized himself as the 'man with the stiff hat'; his
readily identifiable images were famous as representations of isolation, as
manifested most commonly in a specific iconography of the pair. Franz Roh
describes the themes of his work rather poetically: 'People, usually pairs, are
portrayed as hardened within one's self, even here no coalescing movement.
Something of the eternal bondage of human existence itself (Roh 1952
p.ll). The term 'einsame Paare' - lonely pairs - defines Raderscheidt's
iconographic obsession (Heusinger von Waldegg 1979).
Raderscheidt's figurative imagery manifests as well a confrontation with
notions of sexuality, revealing both metaphorical and self-referential
intentions. In most of his images of women, the figure is clearly meant to
portray Marta Hegemann, a fact that is most startling when one confronts his
many depictions of her in scenes of sport. Significantly, Hegemann was a
certified sport teacher, an activity that clearly links her to yet another
fundamental aspect of the 'liberated woman' in 1920s Germany. Women as
athletes comprise a major element in Weimar imagery, evidence of an
embracing of popular culture in which sport became emblematic of
contemporaneity and urban life (Willett 1984 pp.134-5; Willett 1978
pp.102-3).
What is most striking in Raderscheidt's images of Hegemann as athlete is
his characteristic emphasis on a lack of communication, a lack of contact
between the pair, while at the same time the mood is self-consciously
eroticized. She is presented as blatantly nude, frozen in the gestures of sport;
he appears as voyeur, fully clothed, indifferent, elegant. She is emblematic
of eroticism and health, while he looks on, sometimes hidden and furtive in
the shadows. While Raderscheidt emphasizes her 'modernity' in the poses
he chooses for her, she is still represented as a sexual object for the male
gaze (Gerster 1990 pp.51-5; Willett 1978 p.102). Clearly, Raderscheidt
considered these images as representing what he referred to' as 'die
hundertprozentige Frau' - literally, the 'hundred per cent woman', or in
more contemporary terms, the 'total woman'. His iconography, then, is
concerned not only with everyman's isolation, but with quite specific
biographical expressions; as Hildegard Reinhardt points out, 'they visualize
the obviously tense relationship to a talented, independent wife and
colleague, carried out by an eminently critical solipsistic artist, who was
convinced of the animosity of the sexes and considered himself a decided
loner' (Marta Hegemann 1989 p.ll). One of Raderscheidt's best-known
statements reveals aspects of his psychology which undoubtedly affected his
relationship with an independent wife:
Man is a loner. His ego is so strong that he can hardly imagine a second man. I
and the world! Everything is for his use or it is destroyed. Friendship is
impossible for a man, because he cannot recognize another as his equal. The
opinion of another is false ... He cannot understand that a woman could fall in
love with another man. In conversation he tries to convince her of her error
(quoted in Richter 1972 p.17).
srgewerbeschnle in Cologne,
,-=hool was one of the most
admitted women from the
n as teachers.'? They were
t:mnber under the recommenda-
of sexuality and family life)
'Gruppe Stupid' along with
Seiwert, and Max Ernst.
the Raderscheidt-Hegemann
e been determined to a large
Rises important considerations:
_ the stage for the presenta-
:-=g example of the conscious
mteetional attempt to break
~t\1 een intimate and public
and the one that distinguishes
. ~. consciously labelled the
.- ction rather than simply the
involved with concepts of
Paris, with Surrealism. Both
wscin.ari.on with Freudian theory,
- They were involved with
1nIn6T>P of the time, although they
the more politically radical
:cd were most closely aligned
- Heinrich Campendonk and
38 Visions of the 'Neue Frau'
In contrast to Raderscheidt's emphasis on heterosexual pairs, Hegemann' s
imagery is concerned almost entirely with references to women; in only one
known painting does she include a male figure. Her paintings depict 'the
theme of woman paraphrased in single or doubled variations whereby the
characteristic professional attributes of the exclusively young women are
fitted out with such disparate emblematic pictorial elements as hands, legs,
houses, windmills, birds, cats, sail-boats, etc. which are brought together in
an additive method of formulation' (Marta Hegemann 1989 p.8). Her images
centre on what Berents calls her 'iconography of liberation', in which a
variety of symbolic attributes evoke a narrative about women as erotic,
active, professional beings; they are also self-referential, as they represent 'a
mirror of her ambivalent disposition' as artist/intellectual and wife/mother
(Berents 1990).
In a GEDOK lecture in the 1930s, Hegemann explained her choice of
imagery: '1 discovered the umbrella, the lamp, the book, the kitchen, the
pigeon, small horse, ship, dancer, letter, hands, mouths and all in a mild
light. All of them are insignia. 1 believed indeed by means of such focal
points to have hit the nail right on the head. 1 was completely convinced of
that' (Marta Hegemann 1989 p.33). Steeped in Freudian interpretation,
Hegemann's images are ultimately as autobiographical as Raderscheidt's,
A most revealing glimpse into the reality of their domestic life - or at
least into reality as they chose to interpret it - is evident in a comparison of
their only known paintings of family: Raderscheidt's Familie am Fenster
(1929; private collection) and Hegemann's Familienbildnis (date and
location unknown). Raderscheidt's interpretation is uncharacteristically
benign, presenting himself as a calm, patriarchal head of the family.
Hegemann's view is quite different; she mocks the traditional idea of the
patriarchal family, presenting the young father as rather ridiculous in his
role. Little angels float above his head, holding his stiff hat as if it were a
halo. The wife and mother is portrayed with the attributes of the housewife,
holding Hegemann's favoured emblem of motherhood and domesticity, a
small lamp."
Throughout the 1920s, the couple often appeared in the same exhibitions,
at which Hegemann was especially well received critically. Indeed, she was
often considered the more important artist by the reviewers. In writing about
her works in a 1926 exhibition, for example, Alfred Salmony, critic of
Cicerone, compared her work to Max Ernst, and called her 'the most radical
and therefore most sensitive artist in western Germany' .24 Luise Straus-
Ernst, Max Ernst's first wife and a prominent art critic, considered her work
as superior to Raderscheidt's and central to the development of a specifically
feminine imagery." Such reception and comparison, rife with the possibil-
ities for competitive feelings, no doubt exacerbated the already strained
relations between the couple.
By the early 1930s, political events also began to affect the couple's
personal circumstances. Cologne had never provided good support for local
artists, and the siruadon
and Hegemann were as
required them to trade
coincidental small -
leave Germany. They
successful one. and
1933.
In 1934, Raderscbeidt
one of their only patrons.
Anton had diabetes, a
pair. Raderscheidt \\-=
for his family. At this
lise, avowing at the
misrepresented by ;he r
Hegemann 1989 p.-5 -
Switzerland. The se;J~0I
from galleries and
required to go into "inner
that experienced by the
Hegemann persev ered
to make batik or other
prominence before the
1980s was there any
during this period,
did remain was kepi
Raderscheidt, who ,~"rn""
The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 39
beterosexual pairs, Hegemann' s
references to women; in only one
~gnre. Her paintings depict 'the
led variations whereby the
exclusively young women are
-al elements as hands, legs,
mch are brought together in
semann 1989 p.8). Her images
.",........."•. of liberation', in which a
ive about women as erotic,
-referential, as they represent 'a
.....~llectual and wife/mother
rather ridiculous in his
___ ~ his stiff hat as if it were a
artists, and the situation at this time became particularly acute. Raderscheidt
and Hegemann were as hard hit as others; their financial situation eventually
required them to trade art for goods. With the rise of the Nazis and a
coincidental small inheritance from Hegemann' s family, they decided to
leave Germany. They went to Italy, but apparently the decision was not a
successful one, and they returned to Cologne in the ominous year of
1933.
In 1934, Raderscheidt began a relationship with lise Metzger, the wife of
one of their only patrons. At the same time, the couple learned that their son
Anton had diabetes, a situation which caused additional tensions between the
pair. Raderscheidt was apparently incapable of handling the responsibility
for his family. At this stage, he left them in Cologne and went to Berlin with
Ilse, avowing at the separation that he knew his decision would be
misrepresented by the family: 'wenn ich lias tue, bin ich verzeichnet' (Marta
Hegemann 1989 p.45, n.78). He eventually made it to Paris and finally to
Switzerland. The separation was a grievous blow to the family, and all
contact between them was severed.
Marta had to support the family alone, which forced her to move
frequently from city to city and to depend on the support of her family
members. Artistically her works as well as Raderscheidt's were removed
from galleries and museums and labelled as 'degenerate', and she was
required to go into 'inner exile' - an exile more profoundly imprisoning than
mat experienced by the Molls.
Hegemann persevered as an artist - in the 1950s, she was often compelled
ill make batik or other craft objects to support herself - but recognition of her
prominence before the war was entirely forgotten. Not until the late 1970s and
:980s was there any acknowledegment of German women artists of this time;
during this period, much of Hegemann' s art disappeared and what
did remain was kept alive by her granddaughters, themselves artists.
Raderscheidt, who returned to Germany after the war, was rediscovered
:nuch earlier along with other artists of the Neue Sachlichkeit." In none of
;he early histories of this era is Hegemann mentioned, and her works were
not included in any of the exhibitions in which Raderscheidt was shown.
The bitterness surrounding this neglect and perceived rewriting of historical
::£t continued to have an effect on artistic life even 50 years later: a planned
retrospective of Raderscheidt's work in 1983 had to be cancelled because of
~e animosities and legal battles between Raderscheidt's widow and the
.hildren from his marriage to Hegemann.P
While the more privileged situation of the Molls allowed for a degree of
equality and realization of the possibilities inherent in the ideal of the
.~tlerehepaar, the personal history and subsequent experience of Marta
Hegemann and Anton Raderscheidt represent an intriguingly common
;::mern for many artist-couples of this period. Although at the time their art
as considered on an equal footing - indeed, as here, often the female
partner's was more highly praised - the woman's contributions were almost
~~~nn explained her choice of
• the book, the kitchen, the
mouths and all in a mild
i:Xeed by means of such focal
- I ::!S completely convinced of
in Freudian interpretation,
.:. .cal as Raderscheidt's.
i their domestic life - or at
~ in the same exhibitions,
ceived critically. Indeed, she was
_ ri;.ereviewers. In writing about
.f!. Alfred Salmony, critic of
2:ld called her 'the most radical
stera Germany'P' Luise Straus-
an critic. considered her work
development of a specifically
~.mson. rife with the possibil-
exacerbated the already strained
began to affect the couple's
Is- arovided good support for local
-- --~-
40 Visions of the 'Neue Frau'
entirely ignored and their later recognition was virtually extinguished. Many
women's artistic lives were undermined initially by the exigencies of their
own existence - caring for children, coping with the losses of war, and the
struggle for survival - circumstances which made it nearly impossible for
them to continue as artists. In the subsequent establishment of the art-
historical canon, their contributions were entirely neglected. Women artists,
then, suffered on several levels - personal abandonment, necessity to
maintain family, loss of artistic identity, even when they continued to
produce, as Hegemann did into the 1960s. The social construct of the artist,
then, did not easily coincide with the reality of being a married woman and
mother, a dilemma exacerbated by the realities of German life after 1930.
Despite a conscious embracing of 'modem' concepts of marital and artistic
equality, women married to artists were ultimately required to fulfil, if even
unwillingly, the traditional female roles in terms of family and the
responsibilities of private life to the detriment of their public existence. As
with the supposed reform and liberation of sexuality in the Weimar years,
artistic conceptions were still formulated by males, and subsequent art-
historical interpretation simply substantiated this gendered view of the
period. In reality, then, their 'liberation' was as tenuous and as controlled by
men as it had been during the Romantic era. The realization of this reality
was for most women artists of this modem age particularly profound.
Notes
1. I would like to thank the staff of the Archiv fur Bildende Kunst for their
generous assistance during my visit there. I am particularly grateful to Fr. Dr
Irmtraut Freifrau von Andrian- Werburg, Director of the Archiv; Herr Dr Claus
Pese, Curator; and the many assistants in the Archiv and Library.
2. See, for example, August Sander's section with such a heading in his
Menschen des 20 lahrhunderts, discussed above on p.35.
3. Hong (1992) points out that the First World War itself contributed to this
desire to regulate all aspects of German life, including 'sexual and familial
spheres'.
4. Van de Velde 1967. The first English edition was Ideal Marriage, Its
Physiology and Technique, New York: W. Heinemann, 1926.
5. See Usborne 1992 pp.90-101. A humorous description of the popular impact
of the Judge's theories in the United States appears in Schulberg (1981)
pp.171-2. For more about Judge Lindsey himself and his many muckraking
causes, see his autobiography (1931), The Dangerous Life, New York: Amo
Press.
6. For a controversial examination of the development of German concepts of
social welfare and its consequences in the Weimar period, as well as a
definition of 'classical modernity', see Peukert 1991; and an insightful review
of Peukert by David F. Crew (1992), 'The Pathologies of Modernity:
Detlev Peukert on Germany's Twentieth Century', Social History, 17 (2),
pp.319-28.
7. For Nerlinger and Lex-Nerlinger, see Hoffmeister 1978.
8.
9.
to.
11.
12.
13.
P.
15.
16.
18.
19.
:1
virtually extinguished. Many
- _ by the exigencies of their
me losses of war, and the
G".o3de it nearly impossible for
an establishment of the art-
rely neglected. Women artists,
abandonment, necessity to
e en when they continued to
Tee social construct of the artist,
- oeing a married woman and
ies of German life after 1930.
ceoceprs of marital and artistic
I""-.-..."'~'.:required to fulfil, if even
in terms of family and the
of their public existence. As
- sexuality in the Weimar years,
-:y males, and subsequent art-
ed this gendered view of the
= es zennous and as controlled by
--:!.. Tine realization of this reality
_~ particularly profound.
..,_.-::..:: fiir Bildende Kunst for their
I zm particularly grateful to Fr. Dr
tn=.._._ of me Archiv; Herr Dr Claus
~
~ Arehiv and Library.
;:non with such a heading in his
_. eon p.35.
• . War itself contributed to this
D ~"'e. including 'sexual and familial
~ was Ideal Marriage, Its
F..rinemann, 1926.
oes cription of the popular impact
~-s appears in Schulberg (1981)
ey z::l5elf and his many muckraking
Dangerous Life, New York: Amo
., _ opment of German concepts of
~. (OZ Weimar period, as well as a
~ 1991; and an insightful review
'Tbe Pathologies of Modernity:
._> Cenmry', Social History, 17 (2),
cffineisrer 1978.
The Kiinstlerehepaar: Ideal and reality 41
8. His reminiscences appeared in the exhibition catalogue (1975), Yom Dadamax
zum Griingurtel, Cologne: Kunstverein, p.78.
9. For an insightful discussion of the matrix of artist-teacher-model, see Berger
1982 pp.l04-48.
10. Typescript in Moll-Archiv, Archiv fur bildende Kunst, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, Nr. I. 14d.
11. In an article of which only a partial page was found in the New York Public
Library Artists File, John Anthony Thwaites comments in an interview with
Moll in The Bulletin, 24 March 1964: 'Another woman might have retired into
the hostess role. Marg Moll worked more intensely than before'. See New
York Public Library Artists File, Cambridge, 1987-, microfiche no. M703.
12. Moll-Archiv, Archiv fur bildende Kunst, No. I. 14e.
13. Quoted in Brigitte Wurtz, 'Die Bildhauerin und Malerin Marg
Moll', in Bibilothek der Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, Dr. KK
93/v.30.6.l971, p.9.
14. Charlotte Berend-Corinth (1958 p.l44) constantly stressed the pressures of
being an artist's wife, as well as a mother: 'All of them were supposed to be
fed by me'.
15. The only reference to this fact among the documents in Marg's own writings
is the statement that, after Oskar's death in 1947, she went to live with her daughter
in London; see Wurtz, 'Die Bildhauerin und Malerin', cited in n.13 above.
16. When German television interviewed her in 1967 in Munich, the emphasis was
on their shared life, with very little discussion of her own sculpture.
17. Other artists included Otto Dix and his wife; Peter Abelen and his wife; and the
architect Hans Luttgen and his wife. (Note that none of the wives are
individually identified.) The photo of Raderscheidt and Hegemann appears in
some early versions of Sander's work, along with other artist-couples who do
not appear in the most popular version of the book, but were part of his series
for this ambitious publication. See Sander 1980 or August Sander - Menschen
ohne Maske, Frankfurt, 1973, Eng. trans. August Sander: Photographer
Extraordinary, London: Thames and Hudson, 1973.
18. In Vollmer 1953 a reference under Hegemann leads one to Martha Rader-
scheidt; see volA, p.10.
19. For an extensive discussion of the school during the 1920s, see Joppien
1982.
20. The Molls would certainly not have produced a catalogue, with prices, of the
artworks they had hanging on their living-room walls as part of their interior
decoration.
21. See Hildegard Reinhardt in Marta Hegemann 1989 p.12.
22. See Luise Straus-Ernst (1929), 'Raum und Wandbild-Koln 1929', Deutsche
Kunst und Dekoration, 32 (7), June, pp.194-7; quoted in Marta Hegemann
1989 pAO.
23. In her memories of her grandmother, Angela Raderscheidt comments on
Hegemann's avowed hatred of housework (Marta Hegemann 1989 p.85).
24. Alfred Salmony (1926), 'Richmond-Galerie Koln, 1926', Cicerone, 17 (24),
p.81O; quoted in Marta Hegemann 1989 p.22.
25. On the relationship of Straus-Ernst and Hegemann, see Marta Hegemann 1989
pp.39-40; on the tragic story of Straus-Ernst herself, see Max Ernst in Kiiln,
exhibition catalogue, Cologne: Kolnischer Kunstverein, 1980.
26. Hegemann had refused to give him a divorce until 1961, at which time he
married a young Frenchwoman - Use died in 1947 - who became his sole heir.
Hegemann and Raderscheidt died within five weeks of each other in 1970.
27. For a blow-by-blow account of this wrangle, see Der Spiegel, Issue 28, 1985,
pp.135-6.
Visions of the 'Neue Frau':
Women and the Visual Arts in
Weimar Germany
Edited by
Marsha Meskimmon and Shearer West
SCOLAR
PRESS